Number 495 | November 23, 2011 |
This Week: Remote-Control War Part IV |
Greetings, This week I wrap up my series on Remote-Control War. In Part 1 I spoke about the Public Relations aspect of the move to drones and other robotic warmaking techniques, which is best summed up by a quotation from Harold Lasswell that I've cited in these pages before. In his 1927 book entitled "Propaganda Technique in the World War" he noted that "The justification of war can proceed more smoothly if the hideous aspects of the war business are screened from public gaze." Robots do not have friends and family that might protest when they are lost in war. In Part 2 I noted one of the official arguments in favor of the use of drones, which is that they pose a "reduced risk to human life." And I pointed out that this particular mythology is maintained by the twin policies of ignoring the victims and denying that there are any. In Part 3, last week, I noted that drone warfare is expected to "sweep the world" with the U.S. leading the way. I pointed out that the U.S. already appears to have a "secret empire of drone bases" (sufficiently un-secret that we see reports of it in the media) that make up some unknown part of a system of global power projection via unmanned warmaking machines. As the Christian Science Monitor put it, "Drones are here to stay, experts say, and the time is past for debate." This week I attempt to wrap up (for now) this look at the future. One of my great hopes for the movement that is being born in the various occupations around the world is that they force many debates on many currently-undebatable subjects, such as the nature of our systems of war and our systems of wealth distribution. The people taking to the streets are seeing the big picture, made up of systems that reinforce and encourage—if not require—anti-social behavior on the part of our leaders. There must be another way. Also this week I begin strolling through the news, cleaning out my clippings and mentioning a few little-noted items that I find instructive. This week its health and a little lesson on how corruption works. Next week I begin strolling in earnest. Stay tuned. Nygaard
|
"Quote" of the Week: "By 2040, Each Worker Will Produce Twice as Much as Today" Here's economist Doug Orr, writing about Social Security in last December's "Dollars and Sense" magazine: "Average worker productivity has grown by about 2% per year, adjusted for inflation, for the past half-century. That means real output per worker doubles every 36 years. This productivity growth is projected to continue, so by 2040, each worker will produce twice as much as today. Suppose each of three workers today produces $1,000 per week and one retiree is allocated $500 (half of his final salary)—then each worker gets $833. In 2040, two such workers will produce $2,000 per week each (after adjusting for inflation). If each retiree gets $1,000, each worker still gets $1,500. The incomes of both workers and retirees go up. Thus, paying for the baby boomers' retirement need not decrease their children's standard of living." Doug Orr has got this right. In fact, he's got a lot of things right, as you can see if you go and read his 2010 article on the Dollars and Sense website: "Social Security Q&A: Separating Fact from Fiction."
|
On October 19th my local newspaper the Star Tribune of Minneapolis placed a story on page 6 headlined, "U.S. Health Care System Said to Be Slipping." This got my attention. The brief article reported on a major study by the Commonwealth Fund called "Why Not the Best? Results from the National Scorecard on U.S. Health System Performance, 2011." It was basically ignored by the nation's media; I saw one story on page 4 of the Houston Chronicle, another in the Anchorage Daily News. There may have been a few others, but none on the front pages, as far as I know. So I thought I'd excerpt here a few of the highlights from the report: "U.S. health system performance continues to fall far short of what is attainable, especially given the enormity of public and private resources devoted nationally to health. Across 42 performance indicators, the U.S. achieves a total score of 64 out of a possible 100, when comparing national rates with domestic and international benchmarks." "Overall, the U.S. failed to improve relative to these benchmarks, which in many cases rose. Costs were up sharply, access to care deteriorated, health system efficiency remained low, disparities persisted, and health outcomes failed to keep pace with benchmarks." "Of great concern, access to health care significantly eroded since 2006." "The U.S. ranks last out of 16 industrialized countries on a measure of mortality amenable to medical care (deaths that might have been prevented with timely and effective care), with premature death rates that are 68 percent higher than in the best-performing countries. As many as 91,000 fewer people would die prematurely if the U.S. could achieve the leading country rate." "Health care spending per person in the U.S. is double that in several other major industrialized countries, and costs in the U.S. continue to rise faster than income." "Performance on indicators of health system efficiency remains especially low, with the U.S. scoring 53 out of 100 on measures that gauge the level of inappropriate, wasteful, or fragmented care; avoidable hospitalizations; variation in quality and costs; administrative costs; and use of information technology." "Lowering insurance administrative costs to benchmark country rates could alone save up to $114 billion a year, or $55 billion if such costs were lowered to the level in countries with a mixed private–public insurance system, like the U.S. has." "Provisions in the Affordable Care Act [aka "Obamacare"] target many of the gaps identified by the National Scorecard..." With virtually every major poll showing that health care remains one of the nation's top priorities, it's a bit hard to explain why the FRONT page of this day's Star Tribune featured two major stories on the Vikings stadium, a story on the previous day's Republican debate, and a story about the prisoner swap between Israel and the Palestinian's Gaza government, while this major study on the nation's health care was relegated to page six. If you want to look at the entire report for yourself, it's on the web. |
"Rein in the Food and Drug Administration's uncertain approval process for new medical devices, urged the Minnesota congressman, Erik Paulsen, or Minnesota and other states stand to lose up to 400,000 jobs because of lost investment in the device industry. "Over the following month, Mr. Paulsen's campaign committee took in $74,000 from people with a stake in device regulation, much of it from executives affiliated with venture capital funds and their spouses. Now Mr. Paulsen, a two-term Republican, is a sponsor of a bill that would make it easier to bring new medical products to market." The New York Times reporter seems to subscribe to the conventional understanding of how money corrupts politicians. The standard belief is that people, especially politicians, often agree to do things they wouldn't normally do, in exchange for money. That is, people can be "bought," can be corrupted. Especially politicians. But I think it rarely works that way. Instead, I think we need to understand a larger corruption, one that doesn't even look like corruption. And that is the practice of people with money "investing" in politicians who they believe are likely to do what they want. That is, it's not that people are "bought," it's that right-thinking people are identified by people who are essentially "investors," and then the right-thinkers are supplied with cash to make sure they succeed. The Times article spells it out quite clearly, once you know the theory. Consider the headline: "Venture Capitalists Put Money On Easing Medical Device Rules." That gives you a hint of the dynamic, but the real story comes out in the final four paragraphs of the story. Here they are: "Mr. Paulsen, the Minnesota congressman, did not respond to requests for an interview. But a spokesman, Tom Erickson, said that the lawmaker's testimony this spring was unrelated to any campaign donations and reflected his long-held view that the F.D.A. was undermining an industry crucial to Minnesota. "'He gave his testimony because he feels these jobs are being threatened by an inconsistent and unpredictable F.D.A.,' Mr. Erickson said. Mr. Paulsen, along with Democrats and Republicans from states that are home to device makers, has also sought to repeal a tax on sales imposed on the industry under the health care overhaul law. "Dr. Makower, the venture fund consultant, has donated $5,000 to Mr. Paulsen, records show. "'I think that he understands this issue,' said Dr. Makower." I'll bet he does "understand" this issue. But there's another issue, and that is the issue of venture capitalists investing in politicians who are inclined to do the right thing for venture capitalists. And I think we all understand that issue. I highly recommend the book from which I learned of the Investment Theory: "Golden Rule: The Investment Theory of Party Competition and the Logic of Money-Driven Political Systems," by Thomas Ferguson. (I first wrote about it back in Nygaard Notes Number 347, October 4, 2006).
|
Lest the previous story give the impression that standard corruption—where people do the wrong thing in exchange for money—is not a problem, here's a tiny story that came out about a month ago and was largely ignored in the nation's media. It was on October 25th that the Federal Trade Commission released a small report which found that "drug companies entered into 28 potential pay-for-delay deals in FY 2011." This is the term for the practice wherein "certain brand-name companies have paid or otherwise compensated generic firms to . . . delay the introduction of lower-cost medicines." That is, when the patent on a drug expires, normally other companies are allowed to produce generic versions of the same drug which, as the FTC points out, "are typically at least 20 to 30 percent less than the name-brand drugs, and in some cases are up to 90 percent cheaper." The FTC report found that the deals struck by the big drug companies "restricted the generic's ability to market its product" which, in turn, "increases the cost of prescription drugs" throughout the system. As the report puts it, "Because of the regulatory framework, when first filers delay entering the market, other generic manufacturers can also be blocked from entering the market, which makes such patent settlement deals particularly harmful to consumers." |