Number 379 | July 22, 2007 |
This Week: The Democracy Series, Parts 2 and 3
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Greetings, Welcome to the new readers this week! Since you've signed up right in the middle of a series of who-knows-how-many articles on Democracy, I want to remind you that you can go to the Nygaard Notes website whenever you like and read the previous part of this series. Or anything else that has ever appeared in Nygaard Notes, for that matter. The website is searchable, too. And, as with every aspect of Nygaard Notes, there is no advertising! You should also know that Nygaard Notes does not always appear in series form. Just now and again, whenever there's a particular issue that I can't figure out how to express in a single issue. Speaking of this series... I have been debating with myself about whether or not I should capitalize the word Democracy as I go along. The point of capitalizing, for me, is to indicate that the word represents a primary idea, or maybe a set of ideas, that is perhaps different than the idea that most people have when they see the word. That is, by capitalizing it, I mark it as a Big Idea, and one that has a special meaning for me andonce you finish reading this seriesmaybe for you, too. So, for those of you who are attached to the standard "rules" of capitalization, per the Chicago Manual of Style, I guess you'll notice that I have decided to break the rules and capitalize the word Democracy for as long as the series goes on. So be it. I imagine that's enough for this Editor's Note. Until next week, then, Nygaard |
Here are a couple of excerpts from the 1998 book "On Democracy" by Yale University political scientist Robert A. Dahl: "Political resources include everything to which a person or a group has access that they can use to influence, directly or indirectly, the conduct of other persons. Varying with time and place, an enormous number of aspects of human society can be converted into political resources: physical force, weapons, money, wealth, goods and services, productive resources, income, status, honor, respect, affection, charisma, prestige, information, knowledge, education, communication, communications media, organizations, position, legal standing, control over doctrine and beliefs, votes, and many others.... "Most of the resources just listed are everywhere distributed in highly unequal fashion. Although market-capitalism is not the only cause, it is important in causing an unequal distribution of many key resources: wealth, income, status, prestige, information, organization, education, knowledge. Because of inequalities in political resources, some citizens gain significantly more influence than others over the government's policies, decisions, and actions. These violations, alas, are not trivial. Consequently, citizens are not political equals-far from it-and thus the moral foundation of democracy, political equality among citizens, is seriously violated. "...once society and politics are transformed by market capitalism and democratic institutions are in place ... the inequalities in resources that market-capitalism churns out produce serious political inequalities among citizens. "... The relation between a country's democratic political system and its nondemocratic economic system has presented a formidable and persistent challenge to democratic goals and practices throughout the twentieth century. That challenge will surely continue in the twenty-first century."
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The Democracy Series, Part 3: The Values of a Democratic System |
A couple of months ago (in Nygaard Notes #373) I talked about the so-called nature-vs.-nurture debate. I said that people "are" the way they are due to both heredity AND environment. That is, people are born with some things and then they live in a society/community/family that shapes that something in certain ways. I said that "we can't do anything about what people are born with, so that means that any efforts to make life better would be more productively focused on the world we live in, focusing on creating systems that support the best in us and that also withhold support from our worst parts." And that brings us to Democracy. If people really do like Democracy, as almost everyone I know says they do, then what is it that they like? I think they value the things that go along with Democracy, and that make it work. Some of the values that are widely shared include: Solidarity; Community;
Compassion; Respect; The Values and Practice Cycle There is an interesting cycle involving these values. If you share them, you will probably be able to see the worth of mastering the skills and arts of Democracy. And, if you regularly practice the skills and arts of Democracy, you are likely to find that your practices enhance these values. It's a chicken-and-egg thing: Having the values will make you want to practice the skills, and practicing the skills will reinforce the values, in an endless cycle. Likewise, the daily practice of selfish behaviors reflects a different set of values. What I want to suggest here is that the economic and political systems we have in the U.S. are based on a different set of values, one that, despite the mythology, is profoundly anti-democratic. Consider, first of all, this concept, stated by the Bertalanffy Center for the Study of Systems Science: "A system is the unavoidable outcome of organized intentions." What this means is that the people who set up a system set it up because they want it to do something. If it doesn't do what they wantthat is, if it doesn't reflect their "organized intentions"then they will set up a different system if they can. If this idea makes sense, then it should not be surprising to discover that any given system will tend to support and reinforce the values (intentions) of the people who set it up. Now let's think about the people who set up the economic and political systems of the United States, the so-called Founding Fathers. We know that they were all men, and that they were all "white" and that they were thus representative of only a minority of the human beings in the new nation. But they were also, as Jerry Fresia points out in his book, "Toward An American Revolution: Exposing the Constitution and Other Illusions," without exception "rich and powerful men who sought to maintain their wealth and status." Knowing, as they surely did, that the "common people" would challenge their privilege if they could, Fresia says that "the Framers repeatedly expressed what they felt was the need to check and balance the political expression of people who were not like themselves, who were not involved in the market economy, who did not own much property, and who were not very rich." The market economy that has been the norm in this country for over two centuries now is based on what is called the "rational-actor model" which, says economist Robert H. Frank, "assumes that people are selfish in the narrow sense" and that "the world out there is bitterly competitive, and that those who do not pursue their own interests ruthlessly are likely to be swept aside by others who do." Frank tells us that "studies have found that repeated exposure to the self-interest model makes selfish behavior more likely. In one experiment, for example, the cooperation rates of economics majors fell short of those of nonmajors, and the difference grew the longer the students had been in their respective majors." It is "troubling," says Frank, that "the narrow self-interest model, which encourages us to expect the worst in others, often brings out the worst in us as well." Those of us who say that we value and support Democracy thus face a choice: Do we willingly participate inand thus support and reinforcea system that subverts Democracy by "bringing out the worst in us"? Or do we seek out and attempt to engage in practices that will bring out the best in us, ones that will promote a self-reinforcing cycle of Democracy? I think the choice is clear, and next week I'll talk about what policies and practices deserve the support of people who love Democracy and the values of Solidarity, Community, Compassion, Respect, Trust, and Altruism that are at its foundation. |